Jefferson's First Inaugural Address
Called upon
to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our
country, I
avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow citizens
which is
here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which
they have
been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness
that the
task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and
awful
presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my
powers so
justly inspire.
A rising
nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas
with the
rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations
who feel
power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach
of mortal
eye, when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor,
the
happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue, and
the auspices
of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself
before the
magnitude of the undertaking.
Utterly,
indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I see here
remind me
that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I
shall find
resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under
all
difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign
functions of
legislation, and to those associate with you, I look with
encouragement
for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with
safety the
vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements
of a
troubled world.
During the
contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of
discussions
and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on
strangers
unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think; but
this being
now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the
rules of the
Constitution, all will of course arrange themselves under the will
of the law, and
unite in common efforts for the common good.
All, too,
will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the
majority is
in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be
reasonable;
that the minority possesses their equal rights, which equal law must
protect, and
to violate would be oppression.
Let us,
then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore
to social
intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even
life itself
are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from
our land
that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and
suffered, we
have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as
despotic, as
wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.
During the
throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing
spasms of
infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost
liberty, it
was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach
even this
distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared
by some and
less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety.
But every
difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.
We have
called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all
republicans,
we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to
dissolve the
Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed
as monuments
of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where
reason is
left free to combat it.
I know,
indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not
be strong,
that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest
patriot, in
the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which
has so far
kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this
Government,
the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve
itself? I
trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government
on earth. I
believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law,
would fly to
the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public
order as his
own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be
trusted with
the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the
government
of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern
him? Let
history answer this question.
Let us,
then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican
principles,
our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly
separated by
nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter
of the
globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;
possessing a
chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the
thousandth
and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal
right to the
use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry,
to honor and
confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but
from our
actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion,
professed,
indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating
honesty,
truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and
adoring an
overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it
delights in
the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter, with
all these
blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous
people?
Still one thing more, fellow citizens, a wise and frugal Government,
which shall
restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise
free to
regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not
take from
the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good
government,
and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.
About to
enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend
everything
dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I
deem the
essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which
ought to
shape its Administration. I will compress them within the narrowest
compass they
will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its
limitations.
Equal and
exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious
or
political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations,
entangling
alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all
their
rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns
and the
surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of
the General
Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of
our peace at
home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by
the people,
a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword
of
revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in
the
decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is
no appeal
but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a
well
disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments
of war, till
regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the
military
authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly
burthened;
the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public
faith;
encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the
diffusion of
information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public
reason;
freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under
the
protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.
These
principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and
guided our
steps through an age of revolution and reformation.
The wisdom
of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their
attainment.
They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic
instruction,
the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and
should we
wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to
retrace our
steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty,
and safety.
I repair,
then, fellow citizens, to the post you have assigned me. With
experience
enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this
the greatest
of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot
of imperfect
man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor
which bring
him into it. Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed
in our first
and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had
entitled him
to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the
fairest page
in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as
may give
firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs.
I shall
often go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be
thought
wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole
ground. I
ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be
intentional,
and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what
they would
not if seen in all its parts. The approbation implied by your
suffrage is
a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude
will be to
retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to
conciliate
that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be
instrumental
to the happiness and freedom of all.
Relying,
then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to
the work,
ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better
choice it is
in your power to make. And may that Infinite Power which rules the
destinies of
the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a
favorable
issue for your peace and prosperity.